Elections political parties and civil society in authoritarian regimes essay

At the helm were military leaders such as General Francisco Franco, who were conservatives in all essential respects.

Elections political parties and civil society in authoritarian regimes essay

Elections political parties and civil society in authoritarian regimes essay

This post is less something I will defend to the death and more a form of self-therapy. On each tick, a cell tries to be the same color that the cell above it was last tick.

Elections political parties and civil society in authoritarian regimes essay

On each tick, a cell tries NOT to be the same color that the cell below it was last tick. If they ever conflict, Rule 1 takes precedence over Rule 2. If none of these rules apply, a cell stays as it is. The overall effect is sort of like a barber pole.

Consider a group of people separated by some ranked attribute. There are four classes: Everyone wants to look like they are a member of a higher class than they actually are. But everyone also wants to avoid getting mistaken for a member of a poorer class. So for example, the middle-class wants to look upper-class, but also wants to make sure no one accidentally mistakes them for lower-class.

No one has any hopes of getting mistaken for a class two levels higher than their own: Likewise, a member of the upper-class may worry about being mistaken for middle-class, but there is no way they will ever get mistaken for lower-class, let alone underclass.

So suppose we start off with a country in which everyone wears identical white togas. This idea goes over well, and the upper class starts wearing black.

They want to pass for upper-class, and they expect to be able to pull it off, so they start wearing black too.

After two years, the lower-class notices the middle-class is mostly wearing black now, and they start wearing black to pass as middle-class. But the upper-class is very upset, because their gambit of wearing black to differentiate themselves from the middle-class has failed — both uppers and middles now wear identical black togas.

So they conceive an ingenious plan to switch back to white togas. Now the upper-class and underclass wear white, and the middle and lower classes wear black.

And surely in our real world, where the upper-class has no way of distributing secret messages to every single cool person, this would be even harder. There are some technical solutions to the problem. Upper class people are richer, and so can afford to about-face very quickly and buy an entirely new wardrobe.

The richest, trendiest person around wears something new, and either she is so hip that her friends immediately embrace it as a new trend, or she gets laughed at for going out in black when everyone knows all the cool people wear white.

Her friends are either sufficiently hip that they then adopt the new trend and help it grow, or so unsure of themselves that they decide to stick with something safe, or so un-hip that when they adopt the new trend everyone laughs at them for being so clueless they think they can pull off being one of the cool people.[Content warning: some ideas that might make you feel anxious about your political beliefs.

Epistemic status: very speculative and not necessarily endorsed.

The Vietnam War

E. MICHAEL JONES, AUTHOR AND HISTORIAN, is a former professor at Saint Mary’s College in Indiana and the current publisher of Culture Wars Magazine.

As the author of several books, Jones’ later works focus on Jewish opposition to the Catholic Church throughout history and its pernicious effect. Organizations involved in the growing field of democracy promotion need to find effective ways to aid both political parties and civil organizations and, where necessary, to foster close.

29 | Global Societies Journal, Volume 4, s, the third wave of democratization snowballed into several countries that were under authoritarian rule.1 This global pivot towards democracy was slowly accepted into civil society, and authoritarian regimes began losing legitimacy.

Where civil society draws together in broad coalitions, it can bring down longstanding authoritarian regimes, as in Zambia, Malawi, Benin, Niger, and most dramatically, South Africa. But even then, civil society typically tends to fragment after the transition and recede in political significance.

Within many Authoritarian Regimes, the conditions are very similar and the political participation becomes severely limited. The following essay will attempt to briefly capture a few key characteristics of two countries in terms of elections, political parties, and the role of civil societies within the state.

Communities — Voices and Insights - Washington Times